Introduction
An organization in which decisions are taken by a group of unelected officials is known as a bureaucracy. Government agencies run by unelected personnel in the past were referred to as bureaucracies. A significant institution, whether privately or publicly held, is today run by an administrative structure known as bureaucracy. Numerous legal systems use the term “bureaucracy” to describe any organized, hierarchical organization found in businesses, nonprofit organizations, societies, and social clubs, among other types of institutions.
Two major problems with bureaucracy exist. Whether officials should be entirely answerable to the political overlords or should they have autonomy is the first conundrum. The second conundrum concerns the extent of bureaucrats’ discretion in deciding on suitable responses to situations that are not anticipated in advance, as well as their obligation to adhere to predetermined protocols.
Numerous analysts have claimed that bureaucracies are essential to contemporary society. Max Weber (German sociologist) maintained that systematic procedures and structured hierarchies are required to uphold order, eradicate favoritism, and maximize efficiency. He said that bureaucracy is the most rational and efficient way to organize human activity. Weber, however, also believed that unrestricted bureaucracy posed an imminent danger to personal freedom since it may imprison people in a detached “metal cage” of reasoned, rule-based management.
Usage and Etymology
The name “bureaucracy” has Greek origins, as it unites the words “Kratos” (Ϻρντoς), which refers to political power or rule, with the French term bureau, which means office or desk. The name originated in the middle of the eighteenth century, according to Jacques Claude Marie Vincent de Gournay (French economist). The term was never recorded by Gournay, but he was later quoted by a contemporary in a letter:
Occasionally, the late Gournay would remark, “We possess a sickness in France that seeks fair to wreak havoc on us; this condition is known as bureaumania.” Occasionally, he would create a 4th or 5th system of governance, dubbed “bureaucracy.”
– (1723–1807) Baron von Grimm
Lady Morgan (Irish novelist) first coined the term “the Bureaucratie, meaning office tyranny, through which Ireland had historically been governed” in 1818, alluding to the British Govt.’s system of subjugation of Ireland. The term began to have a more impartial meaning by the middle of the nineteenth century when it was used to describe an arrangement of governance in which career officials who were not elected occupied office. “Bureaucracy” was viewed in this sense as a unique kind of governance, frequently deferring to a monarch.
The notion was broadened in the 1920s by Max Weber (German sociologist) to encompass any bureaucratic system run by qualified personnel in accordance with established guidelines. Although Ludwig von Mises (Austrian economist) claimed in 1944 that the word “bureaucracy” was “constantly applied to have an opprobrious implication” in light of his experiences within the Nazi rule, Weber observed bureaucracy as a generally positive creation. In 1957, Robert Merton (American sociologist) proposed that the word “bureaucrat” had grown to be an “epithet” in certain situations.
In government and politics, the term “bureaucracy” is frequently used disparagingly to refer to official norms that seem to make things harder to accomplish by emphasizing procedure and adherence to rules, regulations, and the law. In professional settings, bureaucracy is frequently employed to assign blame for convoluted procedures, written work, and norms that are perceived as barriers rather than guarantees of responsibility and safety. Thus, the term “socio-bureaucracy” refers to specific social factors that could have an impact on how a society operates.
Four characteristics have been identified as typical components of contemporary bureaucracy:
- Hierarchy (unambiguously delineated areas of expertise and tasks)
- Continuity (an organizational system in which administrators are paid full-time and can move up the ranks)
- Impersonality (the use of operating and established rules as opposed to arbitrary ones)
- Expertise (officers are selected based on their qualifications, training, and exposure to knowledge)
Political theory distinguishes between bureaucracy & adhocracy, wherein the former is characterized by centralized management and the latter by decentralized management.
History of bureaucratic systems
Ancient bureaucracy
Organizing and standardizing bureaucratic systems predates the mid-1800s, even though the name “bureaucracy” was coined then. The usage of records and the invention of writing around 3500 BC were essential elements of these systems. Using clay slabs to record and perform a variety of administrative tasks, including the administration of taxes, laborers, and common resources/goods like granaries, the first apparent instance of bureaucracy may be found in the ancient city of Sumer. A hereditary elite of scribes governed bureaucracy in ancient Egypt in a manner similar to this.
Feudalism was abolished and replaced with a centralized, bureaucratic government in China under the Qin Empire (221 to 206 BC), which brought the country together within the Legalist model. The emperor gave bureaucratic duties to devoted bureaucrats rather than the aristocracy. Subsequent dynasties based their own political systems on the framework developed by the 1st King and his advisers. The government prospered under this structure because it made it easier to identify gifted people in the newly established society.
Confucius, who stressed the value of tradition in politics, family, and relationships, created a complex bureaucratic system that was implemented during the Han period (202 BC to 220 AD). The bureaucracy developed with each succeeding monarchy. Exam-based recruitment for public service was first used by Emperor Wen in 165 BC. Emperor Wu (141 to 87 BC) established a national institution where authorities would choose candidates to participate in an analysis of various Confucian classic literature, from which the emperor Wu could choose officials, therefore solidifying the Confucian philosophy into general governance.
During the Sui and Tang dynasties (618 to 618 and 618 to 907, respectively), the Shi class emerged through the fully formal civil service assessment system, which involved partial appointment of those who completed the tests and obtained an official qualification. However, within both dynasties, the practice of appointing people based on recommendations remained common. Those who cleared the examinations and obtained degrees were not recruited with much concentration or expansion until the Song period (960 to 1279).
The bureaucratic system evolved into a meritocracy during the period of the Song dynasty (from 960 to 1279). Competitive exams were held in the wake of the Song reforms to ascertain the suitability of candidates for specific positions. The Qing era fell 6 years before the system of imperial examinations ended in 1905, thus ending China’s conventional bureaucratic system.
Roman governance was carried out by a hierarchy of local proconsuls & their deputies. Roman bureaucracy was greatly expanded as a result of Diocletian’s (284 – 305) reforms, which increased the number of bureaucratic provinces. Diocletian’s reforms, according to the Christian writer Lactantius (250–325), caused widespread stagnation in the economy because “the districts were split into tiny sections, and numerous presidents and an abundance of subordinate officers weighed heavy across every territory.” In the twentieth century, the word “Byzantine” began to apply to any complicated bureaucratic organization. The Byzantine Kingdom established a notably complex bureaucratic hierarchy when the Empire was divided.
Modern bureaucracy
Persia
Aq Qoyunlu took up Iranian culture and government after Uzun Hasan conquered most of Iran, moving the center of authority east. Under Uzun Hasan, the old official system was retained across the Iranian regions, as were the secretaries who worked there. These families had frequently been under various dynasties for multiple generations.
Iranians held the top 4 civil positions in the Aq Qoyunlu beneath Uzun Hasan, which included the post of the vizier, who oversaw the grand assembly (divan); a position of high financial accounting authority (Mostawfi al-Zamalek); the mohrdar, who was responsible for attaching the state stamp; along with the marakur, or “stable master,” who oversaw the court of the king. In addition to providing for the destitute rural residents, Uzun Hasan managed to secure the support of the religious leaders and the primarily Iranian urban elites through his growing income.
There were checks and balances in place in Safavid, both locally and inside the administration. With complete authority throughout the state and legitimacy derived from his lineage as an Islamic sayyid, or successor of Muhammad, the Shah stood at the pinnacle of this structure. A complicated web of departmental procedures and bureaucratic framework was put into effect to prevent fraud, guarantee transparency, and stop decisions from being made that would evade the Shah.
There was a deputy/superintendent in charge of each agency, whose duty was to document every move made by state authorities and submit reports straight to the Shah. By encouraging competitiveness and competitive monitoring, the Shah essentially employed his own methods to keep his ministers in check. In addition, Safavid successions were rarely based on ancestry, meaning that government positions were under continual strain to rule based on the leader’s finest interests rather than just their own. This resulted in a perpetual sense that they were under observation.
Persian bureaucracy and customs were taken up by the Ottomans.
Russia
Because the government’s centralized bureaucracy was so strong, the Russian monarchy was able to withstand both the Tsarist era and the reign of feeble and corrupt tsars. Whether the ruler was legitimate or whether the boyar faction held the power, government personnel kept their jobs. Significant bureaucratic growth occurred in the seventeenth century. Between 1613 and the middle of the 16th century, there were eighty government agencies. The Central Govt. was able to oversee and supervise every segment of society, manufacturing, trade, as well as the Eastern Orthodox Church through regional governors, despite the departments’ frequently conflicting and overlapping responsibilities.
The Russian Orthodox Church, the armed forces, and the court, in addition to the Tsarist administration, were instrumental in preserving and extending the Tsars’ power throughout the Russian Empire (from 1721 to 1917) and the Russian Tsardom (from 1547 to 1721). Many countries, particularly in Europe, saw enormous social transformations in the nineteenth century due to the effects that were brought about during the Industrial Revolution. Social progress in Russia, however, trailed behind that of neighboring Europe because of the Tsarist rule’s traditional bent and determination to hold onto power.
Because of their chin or rank, bureaucrats were referred to as chinovniki by Russian speakers.
Ashanti Empire
A highly developed bureaucracy under Kumasi, with several ministries in charge of managing state affairs, served as the foundation for the Ashanti Empire’s governance. Kumasi served as home to Ashanti’s Foreign Affairs. Notwithstanding the office’s modest size, it enabled the government to engage in intricate talks with foreign nations. The Office was split up into divisions that managed Ashanti ties with the French, British, Arabs, and Dutch on an individual basis.
The strength of this advanced bureaucratic system compared to the Asantehene is a point of contention among Ashanti historians, including Ivor Wilkes and Larry Yarak. Nonetheless, both academics concur that it served as an indication of an advanced political structure featuring an intricate system of balances and checks.
United Kingdom
The Exchequer had the ability to exercise authority over every aspect of government expenditure and tax revenue in contrast to the ineffective and frequently corrupt practice of farming (tax) that predominated in absolutist nations like France. By the latter part of the eighteenth century, Britain had over four times the fiscal bureaucracy per capita (roughly 1 per 1300) than France, the 2nd most bureaucratized country.
In Desultory remarks on the Govt. and Chinese People (1847), the British ambassador in Guangzhou Thomas Taylor Meadows contended that the Chinese empire’s long history was due exclusively to “great government that specializes in the promotion of people of abilities and merit alone.” Meadows further suggested that Britishers should overhaul their public service by instituting a meritocracy within the organization. The Northcote-Trevelyan Report in 1854, which was shaped by the historical Chinese royal examination, suggested that promotions should come from accomplishment instead of “preference, patronage, or purchasing,” that applicants must have a strong educational background to facilitate interdepartmental moves, and that recruiting should be based on merit alone as assessed by a competitive test. The Royal Civil Service was thereafter established as a methodical, merit-based bureaucratic system.
Similar to China, admission to the British public service was typically contingent upon a solid foundation in the old classics, which conferred a higher degree of reputation to bureaucrats. Confucianism’s objective of a humanistic broad education in international affairs was exactly the same as the Cambridge-Oxford model of public service. British examinations for the civil service continued to heavily prioritize Literature, Classics, Language, and History until the end of the twentieth century. These graduates made roughly sixty-seven percent of the British government admissions between 1925 and 1935. Similar to how the Chinese version evaluated an individual’s standards, the British approach also considered an individual’s physical appearance and personality.
France
The Chinese system had an influence on the creation of bureaucracy in France, just like it did on the British. The only benefit that the previous nobility enjoyed during the rule of Louis XIV in France was tax exemption; they were not granted any political power or authority. These “unnatural” circumstances infuriated the disgruntled noblemen, who also found parallels between a bureaucratic dictatorship and a totalitarian monarchy. Scholars in the West first encountered the idea of merit with the translations of Confucian books during the Age of Enlightenment, when they perceived it as a rival to Europe’s long-standing ancient regime.
During the eighteenth century, Voltaire declared that the Chinese had “mastered moral science,” while François Quesnay supported adopting a political and economic structure based on Chinese models. The Western view of China was one of admiration for the Chinese bureaucratic system, which was seen as preferable to European governments due to its apparent meritocracy. People like Voltaire, Diderot, and D’Alembert looked up to the governing mechanisms of China, Empress Catherine II, Egypt, and Peru, as prototypes of Enlightened Dictatorship.
Napoleonic France implemented this meritocracy structure, which led to a sudden and sharp growth in the size of the executive branch as well as the emergence of the French public sector and its intricate bureaucratic structures. The term “bureaumania” was coined to describe this tendency. Napoleon imposed the standardized Napoleonic Codes in an effort to reorganize the bureaucratic structures in France as well as the lands he controlled at the beginning of the 1800s. However, ironically, that caused the bureaucratic system to expand even more.
The general cultural analysis also played a major role in the latter part of the nineteenth-century French examinations for the civil service. The previous Chinese model has been compared to these traits.
Other industrialized countries
Throughout the industrialized world, bureaucratic structures were well established by the middle of the nineteenth century. Theorizing about the financial roles and power dynamics of bureaucracy in modern society was initiated by scholars such as Karl Marx & John Stuart Mill. Max Weber was the 1st to argue that bureaucracy was an essential part of modern society, and by the end of the 1800s, bureaucratic structures had started to proliferate outside of government and into other big organizations.
As documented in middle-of-the-century books such as The Man in the Grey Flannel Suit and The Organization Man, unstructured bureaucratic structures started to emerge inside capitalist frameworks that took the shape of business power hierarchies. The nomenklatura, an influential group of bureaucrats, controlled almost every area of daily life in the former Soviet Union and other Eastern Bloc countries.
Reactions to notions of “big government” along with the bureaucracy that goes along with it peaked in the course of the 1980s. Promises to abolish government regulatory bureaucracy, which they viewed as oppressive, and restore economic activity to a strictly capitalistic manner, which they perceived as more effective, helped leaders like Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan rise to prominence. In the private sector, executives such as Jack Welch made millions of dollars and became well-known by getting rid of corporate bureaucracies. Although the amount of documentation is decreasing and online databases are becoming more and more common, bureaucrats continue to depend on bureaucratic processes in today’s society to manage process documents, and information, and oversee complicated systems.
Theories on Bureaucracy
Karl Marx
In his 1843 book Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right, Karl Marx advanced theories regarding the nature and purpose of bureaucracy. Hegel defended the function of specialized officers in the public sector in Philosophy of Right, despite the fact that he did not employ the word “bureaucracy” himself. Marx, however, was against bureaucracy. Although bureaucracies in both the public and private sectors appear to be at odds with one another, Marx argued that they are actually mutually dependent. According to what he wrote, “The bureaucracy represents an entity that has truly transformed itself into social order; the private sector is the civil society’s effort to become a state.”
Leon Trotsky
At the very beginning of the Soviet Union, Leon Trotsky created a critical framework of the bureaucracy that was beginning to emerge. Trotsky equated bureaucracy with authoritarianism, extreme centralization, and conservatism, as stated by political analyst Thomas M. Twiss. The influence of Trotsky’s after-1923 works on the development of accommodating perspectives on bureaucracy across numerous non-Marxists and subsequent Marxists was seen by social scientist Martin Krygier.
Twiss contended that comprehending the method of capitalist revival in Russia & Eastern Europe, as well as studying Soviet history, required a knowledge of Trotsky’s conception of the Soviet bureaucracy. Trotsky was the first political scientist to write “in order to demonstrate the social and historical origins of Stalinism” in the form of a bureaucratic system, according to political researcher Baruch Knei-Paz.
Trotsky, in The Revolution Betrayed (1936), predicted that the Soviet Union would precede a disjuncture, which might be either the political revolution that overthrew the governing bureaucracy or the bureaucracy’s leadership of the return to capitalism.
In the event that the current bureaucratic dictatorship falls and isn’t succeeded by an alternative socialist authority, capitalism would once again rule, leading to a disastrous downfall of both culture and industry.
In the event that the current bureaucratic dictatorship falls and isn’t succeeded by an alternative socialist authority, capitalism would once again rule, leading to a disastrous downfall of both culture and industry.
John Stuart Mill
Political scholar John Stuart Mill proposed in writings from the beginning of the 1860s that prosperous monarchies were basically bureaucracies, as he discovered examples of these types of systems in European countries, the Russian Empire, as well as Imperial China. According to Mill, representative democracy and bureaucracy are two different types of government. He thought bureaucracy had certain benefits, chief among them being the experience that individuals in charge of the activities truly have accumulated.
Nevertheless, because this system of government depended more on appointments than on open elections, he thought it compared badly to a parliamentary system. The bureaucracy eventually restricts the mind, according to Mill, and “bureaucracy inevitably tends to turn into a rule of the pedants.”
Max Weber
The concept of “bureaucracy” gained popularity due to its analysis by Max Weber (German sociologist), who was the very first to analyze it explicitly. Weber outlined numerous ideal-typical types of business, public administration, and government in his piece on Bureaucracy, which was included in his monumental work Economy & Society. His ideal, archetypal bureaucracy, whether in the private or public sphere, is distinguished by:
- Structure that is hierarchical.
- Structured hierarchies of command or authority.
- A dedicated domain of work.
- Rigorous division of labor
- Consistent, ongoing task completion of specified duties.
- All authority and decision-making that is defined and constrained by regulations.
- Authorities with superior qualifications in their domains.
- Technical qualifications are a must for job advancement.
- Qualifications are assessed by organizational policies rather than by individuals.
In his list of prerequisites, Weber included growing populations and areas under administration, growing complexity in administrative work, and the presence of an economy based on money, necessitating an increasingly effective administrative structure. Advancements in transportation and communication technologies provide more administrative efficiency, but the rationalization and democratization of culture lead to calls for equal consideration.
Weber, while not always a supporter of bureaucracy, considered bureaucracy as a highly effective and reasonable method of structuring human endeavors and, thus, as the foundation of rational-legal power, which is essential to the contemporary world. Moreover, he considered it to be the principal procedure in the continuous rationalization of the Western world.
However, Weber also believed that bureaucracy posed a danger to personal liberty and that continued bureaucratization would bring about a “polar winter of icy gloom” where people would be imprisoned in a lifeless “metal cage” of rational, rule-based bureaucracy. Among Weber’s lasting contributions was his critical analysis of the community’s bureaucratization. Many facets of contemporary public administration have their roots in his research; the term “Weberian bureaucracy” or “Weberian public service” refers to a traditional, hierarchically structured public service of the European kind. How Weberian bureaucracy promotes economic progress is a topic of discussion among social researchers.
Max Weber’s description of contemporary bureaucracies is contested by Jan Vogler (political scientist). He cites Weber’s opinions on a number of issues, including strict merit recruiting, clearly defined career routes for bureaucrats, complete separation of politics and bureaucratic tasks, and incompatible areas of government agency competence. Vogler offers an alternative interpretation of the distinguishing organizational characteristics of contemporary bureaucracies since he believes that the vast majority of public administrative structures now in place violate a number of these points.
From this perspective, contemporary bureaucracies in the public sector are “(within hierarchical) administrative institutions subservient to the state” with each of the subsequent traits:
- Complete segregation of offices from officeholders (i.e., administrative positions cannot be privately owned).
- The hiring process puts a strong emphasis on establishing at least an acceptable level of competence and appropriate abilities.
- Formal guidelines and norms that establish expectations for official behavior.
- Steady pay increases and progression, primarily based on a person’s bureaucratic status.
- Restricted latitude in bureaucrats’ daily tasks and the administrative system’s general political-legal slant.
For applicants applying for bureaucratic positions, Vogler believes that modern bureaucracies merely require “minimum competence.” As was the case with many real-world bureaucratic institutions, this opens up the potential of prejudices in hiring procedures that favor members of particular ethnic, social, or economic groups.
In addition, Vogler’s viewpoint doesn’t call for government departments to have contradictory spheres of impact or depict bureaucracies as completely separated from electoral politics, which is consistent with the frequent conflict and interagency collaboration over challenged areas of abilities in current government structures.
Woodrow Wilson
In his discourse The Study of Administration, Woodrow Wilson, then an educator at Bryn Mawr College, defended bureaucracy, calling it a professional class unaffiliated with ephemeral political movements. Wilson favored an administrative structure that:
In the same way as counting-house procedures are an aspect of society and machinery is a component of a manufactured good can bureaucracy be considered a component of political life. However, because of its fundamental tenets, it has a close connection to the enduring maxims that constitute political knowledge, the unchanging realities of political advancement, elevating it well above the mundane level of simple technical detail.
Wilson just urged that “administrative issues do not constitute political questions,” without endorsing the substitution of control by those who are governed. Politics assigns administrative tasks, but it shouldn’t be allowed to abuse its positions. The subject of governance in America was founded on this piece of writing.
Ludwig von Mises
Ludwig von Mises (Economist) made a comparison between profit management and bureaucratic administration in his book Bureaucracy (1944). When services are able to be evaluated through an economic analysis of loss and profit, he claimed that profit management is the best organizational strategy. Bureaucratic administration is required, nevertheless, when the offering in consideration cannot be evaluated economically.
He wasn’t advocating against bureaucratic administration in general; rather, he contended that bureaucracy constitutes a necessary way to organize society since it is the sole means to establish the supremacy of the rule of law and to safeguard people against arbitrary despotism. He made an argument that only institutions where the code of behavior is immutable should have bureaucracy, using the Catholic Church as an example.
Subsequently, he contended that grievances against bureaucratization typically pertain to “the infiltration of bureaucracy in every facet of human existence,” rather than the critique of the bureaucratic procedures themselves. Mises noticed that bureaucratic procedures were in operation in both the public and private domains; yet, he maintained that increased bureaucracy in the realm of private enterprise could arise solely as an outcome of government intervention.
Robert K. Merton
In his book Social Theory and Social Structure (1957), Robert K. Merton (American sociologist) developed Weber’s notions of bureaucracy. Even though Merton concurred with some of Weber’s conclusions, he also pointed out that bureaucracy was dysfunctional and linked it to “over conformity” and “trained incapacity.”
He thought that administrators are not so much inclined to operate in the institution’s best interests as to protect their own firmly held beliefs, but rather because they take great pleasure in their work and are averse to breaking long-standing traditions. Bureaucrats prioritize formality over human interactions, according to Merton, and are educated to overlook the unique circumstances of individual situations, which makes them appear “haughty” and “arrogant”.
Elliott Jaques
Elliott Jaques, in his book A General Theory of Bureaucracy (1976), details the finding of a consistent and universal fundamental framework of management or job responsibilities in the hierarchy of bureaucracy for all kinds of employment arrangements.
Jaques contends and provides evidence that a number of the criteria that follow must be fulfilled in order for bureaucracies to contribute significantly to a democratic society:
- The complexity of the system of employment for which a bureaucratic structure is intended must correspond with the no. of tiers/levels within the hierarchy. According to Elliott Jaques, bureaucratic hierarchies can have up to eight distinct tiers of complexity.
- The complexity of work varies between roles in a bureaucratic organization.
- The human capacity of the position holders must correspond with the intricate nature of their duties in the positions. (Elliott Jaques determined that there are 8 maximum degrees of a person’s capability.)
- In a bureaucratic order, the degree of job complexity required for any management position needs to be one rung greater than what’s required for the smaller roles.
- A bureaucratic structure requires that every managerial position have complete managerial accountability and authority, including the ability to refuse someone’s appointment to the group, pick the kind of work to be done and how it will be assigned, judge an individual’s performance, and worth, and decide whether to remove someone from the group.
- All positions within the hierarchy require the definition of lateral operating accountabilities & authorities (there are seven different kinds of lateral operating accountabilities & authorities: advisory, coordinative, auditing, monitoring, prescribing, and service-getting & giving).
Democracy and Bureaucracy
The liberal democracy, like any other contemporary state, is heavily bureaucratized, with many large organizations staffed primarily by career public servants. Because institutions are primarily concerned with protecting the nation and its citizens from challenges from both inside and beyond, some of those agencies have a significant amount of power to maintain the existing political system.
These organizations typically don’t have a connection with any one group or political party because they usually run autonomously and are largely protected from politics. Faithful British civil servants, for example, are employed by both the Labor and Conservative parties. But occasionally, as the Nazis in Germany attempted in the 1930s, a group might take over an administrative state.
Though many democratic ideals—like equality, individuality, and participation—stand in sharp contrast to current bureaucracy’s characteristics, like impersonality, hierarchy, and specialization, political scientists did not see bureaucracy to be a danger to democracy. However, bureaucratic authority continues to pose a challenge to democratic administration for which democratic scholars have not yet come up with a workable answer.
One way to address this issue is to argue that a true democracy cannot have any bureaucracy whatsoever. It is usually understood by theorists who take this stance that they have to show that bureaucracy is not present in all modern societies, but only in the ones that they believe to be undemocratic. British writers of the nineteenth century sometimes described it to be the “Continental annoyance” since their democratic system was immune to bureaucracy.